The Israeli actor telling the tragic story of Leo Frank The Jewish Chronicle
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The Israeli actor telling the tragic story of Leo Frank - The Jewish Chronicle
The Israeli actor telling the tragic story of Leo Frank The Jewish Chronicle
The rest is here:
The Israeli actor telling the tragic story of Leo Frank - The Jewish Chronicle
Historian and Librarian of Congress Daniel Boorstin with actress Lillian Gish, Senator Barry Goldwater, and actors Charles Rogers and Douglas Fairbanks, Jr. at the opening of theMary Pickford Theater, 1983.Library of Congress. Public Domain.
Nick Witham opens his new book by lining up two articles by famous historians, written four decades apart. Whats the matter with history? was the question posed by Allan Nevins in the Saturday Review of Literature in 1939, as he wondered why academic historians insist on specialising, to the detriment of the field of popular history. Eric Foners diagnosis in the New York Times in 1980 was that historians had abandoned non-academic audiences to television documentaries, historical novels, and gossipy biographies. If you are, by chance, exhausted by the repetitive online back-and-forth on this very same question that has unfolded over the past decade, you will find little relief, but some welcome catharsis, in the pages of Popularizing the Past.
Witham offers five chapters, one each for the lives and works of postwar American historians Richard Hofstadter, Daniel Boorstin, John Hope Franklin, Howard Zinn and Gerda Lerner. Biographical details of the authors, some textual analysis of their keystone works, and publication histories are interwoven with a dose of reception history. The prose is sturdy and readable, and the biographies of these authors are fascinating. (Boorstins father defended Jewish factory owner Leo Frank when he was accused of killing teenage worker Mary Phagan just one such revealing detail showing the way the historians lives intertwined with their times.)
The argument of Withams book is that the audience for popular historical nonfiction that explains America to itself has always been a diverse one, made up of various types of readers. The imagined past, when an idealised American reader relaxed by the fireside with a sturdy tome written by a credentialed academic, is, largely speaking, a fiction. Hofstadters The American Political Tradition (1948), for example, was aimed at a general audience that, Witham writes, was considered to be made up of educated and intelligent American citizens from across the political spectrum who appreciated the opportunity to learn from experts. These middlebrow (to use the terminology of the times) readers were more likely to encounter nonfiction than before because of the paperback revolution.
But this was not the only type of reader looking for popular history in the postwar milieu. The differentiation Witham draws is between this general audience that read Hofstadter or Boorstin for enrichment, and the activist readers looking for a useable past. Such readers might be drawn to Franklin (a pioneer in the writing of Black history for a popular audience), Zinn (whose Peoples History of the United States should need no introduction), or Lerner (who wrote readable books about womens history at the cusp of second-wave feminism).
The best parts of Popularizing the Past are the archival discoveries of letters from readers, and between editors and writers, showing the nitty-gritty of how this sausage got made and eaten. It is fascinating to see how the people who ran the Book-of-the-Month Club rejected the first volume of Boorstins The Americans as being of appeal to the specialized, rather than the general reader, and to hear how Boorstin and his editors responded. Its infuriating but extremely informative to find out that the publishing house Knopf promoted John Hope Franklins From Slavery to Freedom with a blurb from Arthur Schlesinger that lauded the Black historian for writing without a chip on his shoulder, as part of a campaign to get the book into the hands of as wide a range of readers as possible. And its confounding to see that Lerner was asked whether she could include more female villains in her books. She declined, saying that women had not had enough power to be villains an idea carefully examined, and gainsaid, by later scholarship on American white women who were slaveholders and eugenics activists, among other villainous things.
What is missing from Popularizing the Pastis discussion of how the changing economies of prestige, in academia and in publishing, have affected the ambitions of academic historians to write for the public. Often, in this conversation, a material problem gets reframed as one of volition. Witham refers in his introduction and conclusion to Harvard historian and New Yorker writer Jill Lepores recent critique of the rest of the members of her profession, who she believes have ceded the work of providing a legible past and a plausible future for American readers to the charlatans, stooges, and tyrants people like Glenn Beck and Bill OReilly who regularly send popular histories that are far from academically acceptable up the bestseller lists.
But, as many historians pointed out in responses to Lepore, American historians are in crisis, with the academic job market in such continuous freefall that to describe it as freefall has become a clich. If you are still hoping for tenure, writing a popular history before getting a tenure-track job is perceived, in many departments, as a bad move for an early-career scholar. Meanwhile, available book advances for serious non-fiction are diminishing in scale. Historians reading Withams work may sigh in despair upon seeing that Richard Hofstadter got an advance of $270,000 in 1960s dollars for a three-volume political history of the American people. When it comes to writing books, job security and financial padding arent everything, but they are not nothing, either.
Thats not to mention the biggest question haunting these pages: does anyone even buy, or read, these kinds of books in the digital age? Historians in the US do continue to try to reach mass audiences on Instagram, TikTok, Twitter and all the Twitter clones; by starting podcasts and blogs; by writing for online outlets and newspapers; and through the number one forum for popularization, the place where they can probably be the most effective of all: the classroom. New laws against teaching Critical Race Theory are making that last more difficult for academics in many Republican-controlled states. With all of this going on, a debate over academic historians obligations to produce sound, readable popular history, in book format, feels like an artefact of a different, gentler time.
Popularizing the Past: Historians, Publishers, and Readers in Postwar America Nick Witham University of Chicago Press, 240pp, 20 Buy frombookshop.org(affiliate link)
Rebecca Onion is a senior editor at Slate.
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'Popularizing the Past' by Nick Witham review - History Today
(September 12, 2023 / JNS)
The Anti-Defamation League was founded in 1913 by the Bnai Brith following the lynching of Leo Frank. Its founding charter gives as its prime directive to stop by appeals to reason and conscience and, if necessary, by appeals to law, the defamation of the Jewish people. Secondarily, the organization seeks to end discrimination against all groups of people.
For decades thereafter, the ADL was widely regarded as an august institution, having fought a large swath of scourges that beset the Jewish people, including Henry Fords malign propaganda, as well as Nazis operating in the United States. It was also an active participant in the civil-rights movement of the 1960s.
In market contrast, the ADL now under the leadership of CEO and national director Jonathan Greenblatt has formed an increasingly intertwined alliance with an antisemitic leader whose incendiary rhetoric against Jews in large part led to the worst pogrom in American history.
In 2020, the ADL joined other organizations in the incipient Stop Hate for Profit campaign designed to purge social media of hate and what they deemed disinformation. To join forces for this endeavor, Greenblatt turned to none other than the Rev. Al Sharpton.
In the wake of the Great Depression, when U.S. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt sought to form the Securities and Exchange Commission, he tapped the inveterate market manipulator and insider trader Joseph Kennedy as one of his commissioners, and who became its first head. The reasoning was said to be that few knew better of the evils that caused the financial markets to crash.
A similar argument could be made for Sharpton. Kennedys example is in stark contrast to Greenblatts confederate in that he recognized the ruination that he engaged in caused to the nations economy. He thus sought to curtail it.
The only change with Sharpton has been on the surface. His appearance is more polished and his language muted as he basks in the elite strata of society that has been accorded him.
The most recent iteration of the ADLs feigned redemption of Sharpton was the Jewish groups co-sponsoring his National Action Networks March on Washington to commemorate the 60th anniversary of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.s historic I Have a Dream speech. This is especially ironic in that King was genuinely philosemitic and an admirer of Israel as a beacon of democracy.
The latest March on Washington had the additional unfortunate confluence of transpiring during the same week as the anniversary of the 1991 Crown Heights riots in which Sharpton was a central figure.
Presently on the ADLs website, the March on Washington redux is a featured article. Any reference to the anniversary of the historical tragedy in Crown Heights is conspicuously absent.
The biography of Greenblatt on the organizations site shows no reference to involvement in Jewish communal mattersmuch less combating antisemitismbefore he took over the helm of this historical institution.
Greenblatts predecessor Abe Foxman, a Holocaust survivor, did graduate work at the Jewish Theological Seminary and toiled as a lawyer for the ADL for 22 years before becoming national director of the organization. Though it was well-known that Foxmans political affinities were liberal, he was widely admired for his generally even-handed approach to running the organization. Still, even Foxman had a blind spot when it came to the Crown Heights conflagration.
Foxman initially failed to perceive the violent rioting for the pogrom it was and unduly delayed the ADLs defense of the beleaguered Chassidic community. To his credit, Foxman promptly apologized for this error in judgment.
There is no sign that Greenblatt will say that he is sorry for being in league with a man who egged on the shedding of Jewish blood. The head of the ADL also does not appear at all perturbed by his allys subsequent vile verbal attack on the Jewish owner of a clothing store in Harlem that inspired a mass murder nor does he seem troubled that when on a trip to Israel said he was in hell.
Some of Sharptons defenders contend that he has had a change of heart, but there is no evidence to substantiate this assertion. The only semblance of an admission on Sharptons part is that he has relayed the anecdote of Coretta Scott King chastising him for using cheap rhetoric to get cheap applause. He also noted that he was supposedly appalled by the Palestinians pay-for-slay policy. Why he just realized that is anyones guess.
On the Jewish calendar, as we approach Rosh Hashanah, the New Year, we are taught that it is a time to perform teshuvah or repentance. It is a requisite of teshuvah that we specifically acknowledge our actions and the harms they have caused.
There is also precious little indication that Greenblatt will engage in teshuvah for the serious harm he has caused the once great organization that he now heads.
During the Crown Heights riots, Rabbi Shea Hecht worked across racial lines to reach a harmonious resolution of the conflict. He subsequently co-chaired the Crown Heights Coalition with African-American Dr. Edison O. Jackson.
Asked about the ADLs current partnership with Sharpton, Rabbi Hecht said, It is shocking, but then again not. The ADL was not there for us when the riots happened. Still, in some ways what is going on now is worse. The great sage Hillel the Elder famously asked, If I am not for me then who will be for me? It does not appear that the ADL is fully there for the Jews in Crown Heights. While I believe that anyone can become our ally, it does not appear that this is being done the right way.
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